Monday, August 27, 2007
Thursday, August 23, 2007
PART I - The French Connection
Chapter 1:
The Burgundians were another Germanic nation that favored Arianism. They lived along the eastern border of the Frankish lands, in the areas now called
Around the late 900s, during the days of the powerful Counts of Anjou, a nobleman named Gelduin, Lord of Saumur, was forced from his chateau on the
But the d’Amboise family persevered. They grew in strength and stature through the ages. They married well, inherited a number of other seigneuries and their chateau. They also rebuilt their original home. At least one of these Lords of Amboise (Seigneurs d’Amboise) died in the battles of the Hundred Years War.[5] The family split in two, one line centered at
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[1] Sergeant, Lewis, p.140.
[3] See Cook. Also, see Bachrach: Lisois (Lisoius) and Gelduin, on opposite sides of the wars between the Counts of Anjou and
[5] Hugues III was killed at
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Chapter 2: Medieval Powerhouse: Soldiers, Rebels, and Advisors to Kings
King Louis XI (1461-83) inherited a war-torn country. But he had some remarkable skills (he was called the universal spider because of his web of intrigues) and some good counselors. He trusted in using his wits to change the medieval realm he inherited into the national monarchy that lasted until the French Revolution of 1789. In the process he helped to develop a new merchant class, sheltered the growing bourgeoisie, held his lords in check, and protected the Renaissance in
Needless to say, the nobles did not care for the centralization of power that Louis XI was forging. In 1465 a number of them rebelled “for the good of the people.” Pierre d’Amboise, who had fought for his country with Jeanne d’Arc at
But the d’Amboise family was powerful enough not to simply accept this.
Of Pierre d’Amboise’s 17 children, two sons (including Georges) became cardinals in the Catholic Church. Another was an architect and builder. A number of others were counselors to various kings. For being “petite noblesse” or minor aristocracy, this was a very influential family.
By this time, the king owned the lands around the neighboring town of
The future King, Charles VIII (1483-98), was born at
Louis XII (1498-1515) continued building the structure at
By now Georges d’Amboise, son of
In 1511, Charles II d’Amboise, finished rebuilding the family chateau at Chaumont-sur-Loire.
Francis I (1515-1547) was another lover of Italian art and culture. He continued work on the great chateau at
Later in its existence, the great d’Amboise family had “four main branches” (indicating other, minor, branches?) which were: the family at
Some time in the early 1500s, after the chateau of Chaumont was completed, the d’Amboise family lost their home for the final time. We do not yet know why, but at the same time all of society was changing and the aristocracy was suffering a number of reversals.
The next century and a half were filled with wars, religious civil wars, and rebellions. While fascinating, the details are too complex to recite here. During the French Wars of Religion, Catholics and Calvinists (the Huguenots or French Protestants) fought each other through eight civil wars from 1561 to 1598.[4] During these terrible times a mass execution was held at the chateau of
Aside from massive political and religious movements, this period also experienced economic influences the world had never seen before. The influx of gold and silver from the
All of this had a grave effect on the aristocracy. Tax structures were changing and peasants were leaving the land for cities, jobs, and a chance to live a better life. The aristocracy was suddenly unable to raise the monies they had once collected. The cost of horses, carriages, good cloth (not the woolens worn by the peasants), the great variety of foods, good wine, and all the necessary servants was tremendous. But between the new economic phenomenon called inflation and their reduced income, it became extremely difficult for the nobles to run the organization of a chateau or a mansion in the manner that was expected. Many of the nobility financed their lifestyle by selling off lands to the new middle class. And the bourgeoisie often loaned money to the aristocracy to help them live in their accustomed ways. That could make things even worse; many noble families went bankrupt.
The rising middle class not only became richer, they grew more powerful. Many merchants and bankers became more influential than many nobles.[12] More than a few of the bourgeoisie were eventually named to the nobility. Two classes of aristocracy came into existence: the old landed nobility and the mercantile nouveau riche. At the same time, more than a few voices began to ask why the nobles were still so privileged when they did nothing but live off the working classes. Molière even made public the contempt, disdain and derision on the stage for everyone to see and enjoy.[8] The status of much of the nobility declined at the same time that of the bourgeoisie increased.[9]
In society at large, wages did not keep up with prices, and there was a great need for relief for the poor. Villages and towns could not afford to care for them, and the Church developed new orders of priests and nuns to administer to the new underclass. Much of the work of George Cardinal d’Amboise, in his position as Archbishop of Rouen, was involved with the relief of the poor. Regrettably, such charitable work made only a small difference.
In 1598 King Henry IV issued the Edict of Nantes, providing for freedom of religious worship within certain limits. It was accepted by both Catholics and Protestants, both sides being worn out. This is important to Acadian history because the earliest settlement and development of that colony was a joint Protestant-Catholic effort.
Samuel Champlain and others developed a colony in
The Catholics began the siege of the last major Protestant stronghold, the city of
The Fronde, an early French Revolution, took place between 1648 and 1652.[10]
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[1] For a complete and captivating biography, see
[2] Balteau et al., DBF, column 523.
[6] See Chapter 1 of Weatherford for a complete discussion of the impact of American silver on
[7] Read Thomas B. Costain’s The Moneyman, a historical novel about Jacques Coeur during the reign of Louis XI.
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Chapter 3: Ancestral Families
This is the world which gave birth to the first Acadian with the name of Bergeron, our ancestor Barthélemy Bergeron d’Amboise.
One of the major genealogists of the Bergeron d’Amboise family was Father Adrien Bergeron, an Acadian from the Nicolet county area on the south bank of the St. Lawrence, across from Trois Rivières, Québec.[1] He published articles and genealogies from the 1960s (perhaps earlier) to the 1980s. It was from his work that the author discovered the basic framework of the early family. The part of that framework that is pertinent to the present discussion is this: Barthélemy Bergeron d’Amboise married Geneviève Serreau de St-Aubin, the daughter of Jean Serreau de St-Aubin and Marguerite Boileau (Boyleau) de la Goupillère. All of these families seem to have been very effected by the history just recounted, i.e., the rise of the bourgeoisie. We will return to Fr. Bergeron and the Bergeron families (there are two of them) in a while, but will first discuss the Serreau and Boyleau families.
Paul Delaney, a Bergeron descendant and an English professor at the Université de Moncton in Moncton, NB, has done extensive research that shows that Geneviève Serreau’s mother, Marguerite Boisleau (Boyleau) was from a family that probably started out as part of the rising bourgeoisie. He has also provided some valuable information and insights concerning the rest of the families.
Jean Serreau de St-Aubin
Jean Serreau, Sieur de Saint-Aubin, originally came from
Marguerite Boyleau
Paul Delaney has provided us with a very large set of genealogical data concerning the family and ancestry of Marguerite Boyleau, wife of Jean Serreau and mother of Barthélemy Bergeron’s wife, Geneviève. Counting Marguerite and her sister Marie, Delaney gives us five generations of the Boyleau family (the Roman Numerals are mine):
René Boyleau I (?-c1540), leather merchant, Sieur de la Baste, married Marie Soussac about 1520.[5]
René Boyleau II (born
René Boyleau III (born
René Boyleau IV (born
By the late 17th century the family was in such a state that two daughters of the last-named couple, the sisters Marguerite and Marie, went to New France as Filles du Roi (“Girls/Daughters of the King”), special ladies sent over to the new world by the king for the express purpose of becoming wives to the soldiers already there, settling down and populating the colony. Very few aristocratic women went to
Paul Delaney’s previously unpublished family tree (as published by Jean-Marie Germe) showed Marguerite and Marie’s grandmother, Marthe Quantin being the daughter of André Quantin and Marguerite Bougrault. Marguerite Bougrault’s mother was Françoise d’Argouges, a member of a family carrying the same name as a very famous family which was originally from around
Bergeron Family #1
We know for certain of two Bergeron families in the town of
Name & Birth | Wife | Marriage Date | Marriage Place | Known Children & Birth Years |
Joseph | Marie | c1530 | | Jean I (1540) |
Jean I (1540) | Gabrielle Bardougne | c1554 | Chaumont-sur-Loire | Jean II (1570) |
Jean II (1570) | Jeanne Belouche | c1595 | Notre-Dame de Grève, | Jean III (1598) Noël (1601) Gabrielle (1603) Marguerite (1607) Zacharie (1611) Sylvie(1617) All baptized at Notre Dame de Grève, |
Jean III (1598) | Catherine Douaray | c1623 | Chaumont-sur-Loire | Jean IV (1633) Louise (1637) Jacques (1642) [twins?] Marie (1642) [twins?] Antoine (1643) Catherine (1644) Thomas (1648) |
Antoine (1643) | Claudette Scaron | c1664 | Chapelle-St-Florentin, | Barthelemy (c1665) |
In 1530 we have the first mention of a Bergeron in the town of
Jean III was born the same year as the Edict of Nantes (1598) to Jean II Bergeron and Jeanne Belouche at
In 1623 Jean III Bergeron married Catherine Douaray at Chaumont-sur-Loire. They had the following children: Jean IV (b.1633), Louise (b.1637), Jacques (b.1642), Marie (b.1642), Antoine (b.1643) (possibly our ancestor), Catherine (b.1644), Thomas (b.1648), Pierre (b.1650).
Antoine Bergeron was a boy, going from
Upon analyzing the family of Jean III Bergeron and Catherine Douaray, we see that Antoine, supposedly the father of Barthélemy, was the third son of the family. As was mentioned earlier, in the old system of things, if the family were noble, the first son (in this case, Jean IV) inherited the “partage” (two-thirds of the estate) and the other children divided the remainder. The oldest child may or may not have supported his/her siblings to a greater or lesser degree, or they may have been left to make a living as best they could. These younger children form the pool of educated people which gave the church its priests and nuns. And this is where the vast majority of professional soldiers came from.
The available data do not indicate whether Antoine and Claudette Bergeron’s Barthélemy was the oldest son or not. He was certainly the son of a younger son. Even if Jean IV did support his brothers, by the time Barthélemy was born, there probably were far too few family resources available to support him. And so he joined the Troupes de la Marine,[16] which assigned his unit to
Now, all this is if this is truly our Barthélemy Bergeron. Paul Delaney indicates that this family may not even have had a son named Barthelemy; he mentions the possibility that Dame Lubineau of
Bergeron Family #2
Even though Father Bergeron published the data provided by Dame Lubineau of
That strong probability had been reduced to zero. A genealogical researcher in
So now, except if Dame Lubineau’s family never had a son named Barthélemy as Delaney suspects, we have a problem: two Bergeron families from the same town with sons named Barthélemy born within a couple years of each other. And here is an interesting coincidence that may well support Delaney’s supposition: The date provisionally provided for Barthélemy’s birth into Dame Lubineau’s Bergerons is
We do not know how, or even if, the two families were related to each other. And we do not know which, if either, were related to the medieval d’Amboise family. As cousin Joe Damboise of
We know Antoine’s siblings (see above), so unless the data are incomplete, Antoine and René were not brothers. However, Antoine had two uncles that we know of, Noël and Zacharie. As Joe suggested, one of them may have had a son René, making him Antoine’s cousin. Needless to say we need considerably more work here. I tried to find more information about René Bergeron and Anne Dagault by asking (over the internet) a volunteer researcher in
There may be another place to search. In the early 1700s when a different Michel Bergeron showed up in
Again, keep in mind that, as Paul Delaney points out, the family listed in Father Bergeron’s works are quite upper class and carried the designation of “Sieur de la Goupillère” (NOT the same Goupillère as the Boyleau family).[22] They probably were not aristocracy, but they were certainly upper class bourgeoisie.[23] And there is no indication whatsoever that the family found by Germe has the same status; it does not have the documentation in the archives to support any claim to the same social position.
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[1] This is the area where the author’s grandfather came from: Jules Bergeron was born in St-Grégoire and grew up in Ste-Eulalie.[2] Paul Delaney, personal e-mail correspondence with the author,
[3] Ibid.
[4] Paul Delaney, personal e-mail correspondence with the author,
[5] This list is compiled from Germe, AGCF01, pp.20-21.
[6] Delaney, AGCF98b, p.12. The families of all the wives in this list was taken from this source.
[7] Delaney, AGCF98a, p.11. This article shows that her last name was Ferrand, not Serrant as claimed by Father Archange Godbout and René Jetté. Jean-Marie Germe of the AGCF helped with the research.
[8] Paul Delaney writes: “...one line that is definitely of ancient nobility, though of the ‘petite noblesse’ of the provinces, rather than of one of the great and powerful families of
[9] Therriault.
[10] Germe, AGCF01, pp. 20-21.
[11] There is a famous seven-volume series of historical novels written by Pierre Naudin concerning this family called the Cycle of Ogier d’Argouges. Regrettably, it has not yet been published in English. The titles are: Les lions diffamés, Le Granit et le feu, Les Fleurs d’acier, La Fête écarlate, Les Noces de fer, Le Jour des Reines, and L’Epervier de feu.
[12] This case and these rules of inheritance were provided to me by Paul Delaney, via private e-mail correspondence,
[13] Bergeron, LGA, p. I-254.
[14] Bergeron, LGA, p. I-263-64.
[15] Bergeron, LGA, p.I-263.
[16] Bergeron, LGA, p. 263.
[17] Originally troops stationed on French ships, thus “Troupes de la Marine” or “Troops of the Navy.” Later they became the troops sent out to protect the colonies.
[18] Paul Delaney, private e-mail correspondence,
[19] Bergeron, LGA, p.254.
[20] Germe, AGCF98c, p. 13 (which has a photocopy of the baptismal certificate), and AGCF99, p. 3.
[21] Ibid.
[22] Paul Delaney, private e-mail correspondence,
[23] Paul Delaney, private e-mail correspondence,
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Chapter 4: The Question of Aristocracy
Some mystery still remains about the double surname of Barthélemy Bergeron d’Amboise. The enigma is not about the names themselves - the second name (d’Amboise) can be easily explained as locational. But if it IS a locational name, and Barthélemy was a commoner, there is the puzzling events of Barthélemy having the friends that he had and receiving the deferential treatment that he did in
There could be four reasons for his name: (a) Barthélemy was truly a descendant of the medieval d’Amboise family, (b) he used “d’Amboise” as a locational amplification (but see below), (c) he actually did use a “dit"[1] name (again, see below), or (d) he deliberately tried to amplify his social status in New France by using the medieval family’s name to good advantage. Of course, we can not know all his motivations with any certainty, but from many indications of his personality (which we will see later in this paper) Barthélemy seems to have been much too honorable a person for the fourth possibility to be true. But this is the author’s conjecture (bias?).
Furthermore, we can not know whether points two and three were true or not without completely proving point one. The following are some arguments in favor of the first point, which, in some respects, seem to be overwhelming.
There are a number of facts which logically indicate that Barthélemy’s family was descended from the medieval d’Amboises, or at least from some aristocratic family. Consider the following points (most of which we will meet again later in this biography):
· For most of his life, Barthélemy was known as d’Amboise, not Bergeron, and there is no instance in any document of those times that the common “dit” was used between his surnames.[2] Especially during his early years in
(By the way, a considerable part of the “Bergeron family” from
· Furthermore, Barthélemy was certainly treated with all the deference of aristocracy. (And it is very interesting that just when history seems to lose the d’Amboise family, genealogy has found the Bergeron family, especially if we come from the Antoine Bergeron line.)
· As mentioned earlier, the great d’Amboise family had four main branches: the family at
Another possibility was brought to mind by Paul Delaney’s comment concerning people “being on the wrong side of the blanket.” Barthélemy’s family (that of René Bergeron) may have been on the wrong side of the blanket as related to the other, higher class Bergeron family (the one found by Dame Lubineau). Paul wrote: “Of course, there may be a link between the two Bergeron families and a common origin in the past, but we have not found anything on this yet. I have concentrated my research on the Boyleau line."[5]
· In
· Barthélemy seems to have flaunted the king’s law that all young men newly arrived in the colonies had to marry within a year. He did not get married for ten years.
· When he did get married, he married Geneviève Serreau de Saint-Aubin, the daughter of a legitimately landed noble. We have already examined the status of the Sieur de St. Aubin and his wife, Marguerite Boyleau, had a lineage that can be traced back for centuries.[6]
· When he was captured by the English in 1692, Barthélemy was ransomed by Villebon, the governor of
All these are strong indications that this founder of the Acadian Bergeron family was himself at least a nobleman of some degree. As a matter of fact, when I once talked about this to the renowned professor Bernard Bachrach, with whom I had studied Medieval History at the
Father Adrien Bergeron, our own family’s genealogist and historian, wrote: “we can conclude that he [Barthélemy] was of the number of those ‘sons of completely bankrupted and titled families, who position themselves to work on this side of the ocean, in the hope of making a career...’"[7] In fact he specifically asked if Barthélemy might have belonged to the d’Amboise family.[8] Even so, there is no proven connection between us and the famous, powerful French family of cardinals, architects and royal advisors, and the possibility of such a connection needs considerably more research.
So, it is possible (but only possible!) that both sides of the Bergeron d’Amboise-Serreau de Saint-Aubin family in Acadia were from famous families who had fallen on hard times, and whose children went looking for a better life in a completely different world. It is likely that both sides were not from famous families, but were local minor aristocrats or bourgeoisie families raised to the minor aristocracy. Remember that this was a period when many noble and notable families were being ruined by the high cost of maintaining their lifestyle, inflation, and the competing new merchant class (the bourgeoisie). Many of their sons and daughters were forced to look for a new life in the
[1] “dit” comes from the French word for “he said,” “he called” or “called.” In this case it is best translated as “called.” Barthélemy’s son Michel used this form when there was confusion with another Michel Bergeron, and he became known as Michel dit de Nantes, or Michel, called “from
But now, the soldiers of the Carignan-Salières were getting older, had married and were raising families. The king needed new soldiers in
Chapter 5: Barthélémy in the Troupes de la Marine
In 1622, while advisor to Marie de Medici, the queen mother, and before he ever became a cardinal or the famous advisor to Louis XIII,[1] Richelieu created the first of the Compagnies franches de la Marine to serve on board warships.[2] They were also used to guard French seaports. For this reason, they were later placed under the new “Navy department” of the day, the Département de la Marine, when it was created. The soldiers were known as “troupes de la Marine.” The same department was given responsibility for the French overseas territories, and in 1674 it started to create companies of troops for colonial service. These were also called Compagnies franches de la Marine[3] (Independent Companies of the Marine). Being under the Marine Department, they are not listed in the archives of the French Army. They were “free companies” in that they were not by battalions or regiments.[4] This permitted the ability for rapid movement of small military units and the assignment of such small units to duties not requiring large numbers of troops.
In the late 1600s and early 1700s, these soldiers were effectively the only permanent infantry troops in
We do not know at what age Barthelemy Bergeron d’Amboise joined the Compagnies franches de la Marine, but he arrived in
The pay of the common soldier was not much, but more than we might have guessed: a little under 10 livres per month - after taking out deductions for for various rations and (replacement?) clothing. Soldiers who were stationed at military posts and who performed extra work such as building fortifications or trenches, were paid extra for their labor.[11]
Each soldier received a new uniform every other year.[12] This uniform “consisted of a justaucorps of gray-white woolen cloth, lined with blue revesche (a type of wool?) and furnished with pewter buttons, blue trousers of serge of Aumale lined with linen, stockings of the same serge, white garters, buckled shoes, a jacket, a tie, a black hat bordered with a braid of silver, a belt for a sword...”.[13] The justeaucorps was a long skirted coat with large cuffs. The corners of its tails were folded back and buttoned together.[14] This undoubtedly kept the tails out of the way when trying to maneuver, but permitted more protection in cold weather when unbuttoned and allowed to wrap around the legs a bit more. To protect them from the cold winters, the soldiers wore a grey-white cloth coat, moccasins, and Amerindian clothing, which was better adapted to
Barthélémy Bergeron d’Amboise came to
It had been a rough voyage. Dr. J. C. Poissant, in his book, The Genealogy of the Poissant Family, wrote: “It was a late date considering the season and the size of the ship, also the storms of the Equinox made for a dangerous trip for sailboats. These small boats, comparable to sea shells, were like toys for the wind and the ocean. Often it would take two or three months to make the trip, whereas, today you can cross the
Barthelemy and his comrades arrived too late in the year to do any fighting. Very few military maneuvers ever took place during the winter. Thus, from October until May, the troops were put up in the homes of local people (the “habitants”) and at seigneuries. There were a number of arrangements that could be made. Sometimes inhabitants provided the necessary tools and utensils to his soldier, and was permitted to have him cut wood, uproot stumps, clear land, or beat wheat in the barns. This was hard labor! In return, the soldier received ten sous per day, in addition to his food.”[24]
If a soldier already had a good trade, he was permitted to go out into the population and practice it. In this manner, the colony gained the benefit of his trade as well as his protection as a soldier. By providing the necessary furlough for the soldier to perform such work, his captain got to keep the income from that soldier’s pay as a tradesman.[25]
Some of troops were permitted to go out into the public to find a little better residence for himself, in which case “the Captain of the company (required) his soldiers to give up half of their pay....”[26]
Barthélémy was twenty-one years old when he arrived in
It seems that Pierre Lezeau was a “boat-master,” whose name has appeared in the records “in all imaginable variations from Layzeau to Loiseau” (and Father Bergeron himself used “Loyseau” in his “Barthélémy Bergeron: heros meconnu”), was Barthelemy’s best friend during his long winters in
Pierre Lezeau seems to have had a considerable maritime trade. This trade network was based out of his “family establishment” in the Lower-City of
So we know that Barthelemy lived in a private home of a friend in
What a shrewd businessman; he couldn’t lose!
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[1] De Castries, p.186.[2] NavRes.
[3] Ibid.
[4]
[5] NavRes.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Ibid.
[8] Lépine.
[9] NavRes.
[10] Hamilton
[11] Ibid, p.14. Murdoch also mentions this in a number of places.
[12] NavRes.
[13] Canadian Historical Association, 1926: pp. 49 and 50, quoted in Bergeron, SGCF69d, p.205.
[14] Hamilton
[15] NavRes.
[16] Hamilton
[17] Bergeron, SGCF69d p. 205.
[18] Metevia. Poissant mentions that the Émerillon departed from
[19] Bergeron, SGCF69d p. 205.
[20] Metevia.
[21] Ibid.
[22] Bergeron, SGCF69d, p. 205.
[23] Poissant.
[24] Bergeron, SGCF69d, p. 207.
[25] Ibid.
[26] Ibid.
[27] Bergeron, SGCF01, p. 158.
[28] Bergeron, SGCF69d, p. 207.
[29] Bergeron, SGCF69d, p. 213. Lezeau (the son of Pierre and Jeanne Rivaland) was born in Grezac, Xaintes diocese,
[30] Ibid. pp. 213-214. Bergeron refers us to “numerous ‘notarial engagements’” as proof of the extent of Lezeau’s business.
[31] As the actual contract reads: “julien Boissy dit Lagrillade of this country And a pastrycook by trade, guillaume dupont a baker And Barthélémy bergeron also a baker.” Bergeron SGCF69d, p. 202.
[32] Bergeron, SGCF69d, p. 207.
[33] In translation: “if it happened (that he) was obliged to leave from this city for some time or occasion that this would be, either for the Service of the King or otherwise, He will be just as much of The said company as if he is not absent at all...”
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Chapter 6: The
Governor de La Barre returned to
The commanding officers of these Troops of the Marine brought to
The letter also shows that the King of France was much more anxious about his wars in
This from the king who, at the same time, spent millions to wage war in
Almost in the same breath, the king added: “I recommend you prevent as much as it will be possible that the English are not established in the
There was a French fur-trading company in
Pierre Le Moyne, Sieur d’Iberville, is one of the most important figures of Canadian history, and certainly of French Canadian history. He was born near Montréal in 1661. He became the most famous of the fourteen children of Charles Le Moyne, baron of Longueuil and Châteauguay, and lieutenant-general of
D’Iberville is of special interest to us. He started as the second lieutenant of the Hudson Bay expedition under the chevalier de Troyes, later became a frigate captain, a knight of Saint-Louis, the discoverer of the mouths of the Mississippi, the founder of Louisiana, and the commander of a naval squadron. He served in an incomparable and sustained manner through ten military campaigns and two voyages of discovery and foundation.[8] For at least ten years Barthélémy would be attached to D’Iberville as one of his special troops, and participate in the adventures of the most illustrious of
An important court judgment of the Sovereign Council of 1689, showed Barthélémy Bergeron connected very closely to Jean de Méra and especially to Pierre Viaux.[10] Viaux was a cousin of de Maricourt and D’Iberville,[11] so it only follows that he and his best friends would serve directly under one of them. Fr. Bergeron writes: “It is entirely plausible, not to say more, that it is through this Pierre Viaux that Bergeron and de Méra came to be put under the direct command of d’Iberville.”[12] D’Iberville chose his close associates, and kept 18 or 20 special soldiers and our ancestor was one of them. This connection between Barthélémy and D’Iberville not only took him into some major military actions, it was directly responsible for him eventually winding up in
The chevalier de
On the “day of Easter, we made our devotions in a high mass that was chanted with all the solemnity that the times and place were able to permit,” wrote the Chevalier de Troyes. After vespers there was a “big north wind! I made a review of all my detachment, of which I made three brigades composed each of three squads... and left one third under the orders of the Sieur D’Iberville...”[14]
On the “day of Easter, we made our devotions in a high mass that was chanted with all the solemnity that the times and place were able to permit,” wrote the Chevalier de Troyes. After vespers there was a “big north wind! I made a review of all my detachment, of which I made three brigades composed each of three squads... and left one third under the orders of the Sieur D’Iberville...”[15]
The men were well equipped. After 85 days of exhaustion and extreme ardship, they arrived at Moose Fort (today Moose Factory)[16] and completely surprised the English. They took all three major trading posts and several small houses for the fur trade on
The Deliberations of the Sovereign Council of New-France indicate that Barthélémy stayed in the North with d’Iberville from 1686 to 1689, part of the crew left behind to guard the posts when D’Iberville made some brief trips to Quebec or even to France.[18]
When de Troyes left the north in August of 1686, he left d’Iberville in charge of the captured posts. In September , 1688, a couple of English ships blockaded one of the posts and got frozen in the ice through the winter. Both sides were ruthless n their treatment of the other, but d’Iberville made a name for himself notorious by refusing to let the English go out hunting for food without harassment, evidently knowing that the resulting scurvy would decimate the English crews. Then, when the disease was epidemic, d’Iberville invited the English surgeon to go hunting; then when the man had left the protection of his ship, the French commander took him prisoner. The English lost 28 men over the winter, 25 of them to scurvy, and had to surrender. D’Iberville (and evidently his favorite companions) returned to
Upon returning from the north, Barthélémy settled down to wait for the next assignment. He again lived with his friend, Pierre Lezeau.[21] Lezeau (Loyseau) was a “boat-master” and well- known merchant.[22] He seems to have had a considerable maritime trade and used his family establishment (located in the Low-City of the old capital) as a base of operations.[23] This may have been where Barthélémy got his first taste of being a sailor-merchant, a trade he would use for most of his life. The ruthlessness of the
[1] Bergeron, SGCF69d, p. 205-206.
[2] Bergeron, SGCF69d, p. 206.
[7] Ibid., p.215. “Viaux” is the spelling provided by Fr. Bergeron. However, in Caron’s version of de Troyes’ journal, Appendix K, p.120, his name is spelled “Vaux.” It mentions there that he was a cousin of d’Iberville and de Maricourt.
[9] Fr. Bergeron mentions that there is documented evidence that Barthélémy went on de Troyes’ Hudson Bay expedition of 1685 ( 3rd vol. of the Judgements... of the Sovereign Council of New France, p. 375), that he went on the expedition against Corlaer (Schenectady) in 1690 (his last will and testament sworn to before Gilles Rageot, royal notary), and finally that “our Barthélémy came to end up in the fifth campaign of D’Iberville in Acadia, the year 1696. This was the campaign of Pemaquid....” (Bergeron SGCF69c, p. 169). This covers a span of more than ten years. This paper will later show proof of Barthélémy being with Baptiste in the
13] See Kenyon & Turnbull for an English translation of de Troyes’ journal; Caron for the original French. Kenyon & Turnbull have numerous other accounts of these events, even a few from the English side. Caron is complete with appendices.
[18] Bergeron, SGCF69d, p.215. He seems to be quoting Père Louis Le Jeune, o.m.i., Le chevalier Le Moyne, sieur d’Iberville, Editions de l'Université d'Ottawa (1937), p.141 for this information.
[21] We know this from the text of his last will and testament of 1690, which will be presented later in its entirety.
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Chapter 7: Horror at
A new war had been declared, and the English colonies received the news before
This was the beginning of an eleven-year-long war. The governor general quickly devised plans for revenge. There would be a three-pronged attack on the English colonies, two into
D’Iberville was doing nothing at the time, so he volunteered to go along on the
"BEFORE GILLES RAGEOT “gardenottes” notary of the King... In the prevosté [a region under the notary’s jurisdiction] of quebecq In new France was present in person Barthélémy Bergeron VOLUNTEER residing in this city Being on his departure for the journey to the English, present in good health of body of the (flawless)? memory and understanding having good and firm intention as (well) he appeared to the said notary for the inspection of his person words acts And bearing And other following outward actions accompanied by reason and good judgment which said that he being ready to make a very risky journey to go to the English and not being certain of being able to return considering that nothing is more certain than death and nothing more uncertain than the hour of it not wanting that to be reached before having provided for the salvation of his soul and for his temporal affairs not wanting to live intestate but while his senses and reason are in him and he is in good health by the grace of god, his good pleasure and will has dictated and named to the said notary in the presence of the witnesses hereinafter named his testament and order of last will that follows at present as a good Christian and Catholic has to have registered and recommended his soul to god the Creator father son and holy spirit, to the glorious virgin Mary to St. Michael angel and archangel to his good guardian angel to st Bartholemew his patron and to all the saints of paradise;
Item given to Pierre Lezeau boat-master living in the said city the sum of three hundred livres for the good friendship that he has for him —
Item given in alms to the poor of the general hospital of this city another sum of three hundred livres to accept and to receive from the said pierre Lezeau from the sum of eleven hundred fifty livres that he has in his hands belonging to the aforesaid testator following The will that he admitted this Day before the said notary, And The surplus up to the said sum of eleven hundred fifty livres which is five hundred fifty livres the said testator gives and leaves behind to pray to God for The Repose of his soul after his death.
And to execute and account for the present testament The said charges donations And alms The said testator has Appointed And Chosen The said Pierre Lezeau whom He gives to be able to do this, The present testament to increase and not to reduce so much in Use of prayers that otherwise in this way that he will judge at the right time, of this he will enable to happen to the said testator of his said journey desiring that the present testament might be executed And it might have its full and entire effect in being his last will this was in this way dictated... to him read And re-read and that he has said to have Understood and Heard in the office of the said notary... ”[1]
According to Fr. Bergeron’s article in the Mémoires de la Société Généalogique Canadien- Française (Jul-Aug-Sept 1969) the following was also sworn to:
"BEFORE GILLES RAGEOT Royal Notary was present in person Pierre Lezeau boat-master residing in this city (of Quebec) Who voluntarily has acknowledged And confessed to have Had And received of Barthélémy Bergeron volunteer residing in this said city the sum of eleven hundred fifty livres {“pounds,” French money} in silver Money that the aforementioned Loiseau has admitted to have In his hands And who to him has been [re?]leased by the aforesaid Bergeron before these Presents And Nine Hundred pounds for a note signed by Catignon on the date of 26th November last to receive of said Catignon in all the month of April next to whom said Loyseau the said Bergeron grants to be able to receive It For him And in his absence and and to give complete receipts and in valid evidence And even (? in case of refusal?) to reject all procedings and diligently essentials which said note has been (competently?) put by the said Bergeron is hands of the said Lezeau[2] for the said Lezeau to render Account to the said Bergeron on his return, or at his order, And to return to him The whole Between The hands they pledge sc obliging sc Renouncing sc done And admitted to the said Quebec office of the said notary afternoon the seventh Day of January one thousand six hundred ninety... ”
1690: "BEFORE GILLES RAGEOT “gardenottes” notary of the King... In the prevosté [a region under the notary’s jurisdiction] of quebecq In new france was present in person Barthélémy Bergeron volunteer residing in this city Being on his departure for the journey to the English, present in good health of body sound of (flawless?) memory and understanding having good and firm intention as he appeared to the said notary for the inspection of his person words acts And bearing And following other external actions accompanied by reason and good judgment which said that he being ready to make a very risky journey to go to the English and not being certain of being able to return considering that to him nothing is more certain than death and nothing more uncertain than the hour of it not wanting to be xxxxx (reached/sent? called?) before having provided for the salvation of his soul and disposed of his temporal affairs not wanting to live intestate but while senses and reason are in him and he is in good health by the grace of god, his good pleasure and will has dictated and named to the said notary in the presence of the witnesses hereinafter named his testament and order of last will that follows at present as a good Christian and Catholic must have registered and recommended his soul to god the Creator father son and holy spirit, to the glorious virgin Mary to St. Michael angel and archangel to his good guardian angel to st Bartholemew his patron and to all the saints of paradise;
Item given to Pierre Lezeau boat-master living in the said city the sum of three hundred livres for the good friendship that he has for him —
Item given in alms to the poor of the general hospital of this city another sum of three hundred livres to accept and to receive of the said pierre Lezeau on/over/ for/upon the sum of eleven hundred fifty livres that he has in his hands belonging to the aforesaid testator following The will that he entered into this Day before the said notary, And The surplus up to the said sum of eleven hundred fifty livres which is five hundred fifty livres the said testator gives and leaves behind to pray to God for The Repose of his soul after his death.
And to execute and account for the present testament The said charges donations And alms The said testator has Named And Chosen The said Pierre Lezeau whom He gives to be able to do this, The present testament to increase and not to reduce so much in Use of prayers that otherwise in this way that he will judge at the right time, of this that it will be able to happen to the said testator of his journey desiring that the present testament might be executed And that it might have its full and entire effect in being his last will this was in this way dictated... to him read And re-read and that he has said to have Understood and Heard in the office of the said notary... ”[3]
One thing we see here is that Barthélémy was by no means a pauper. The sum of 1150 livres is a huge amount of money to just have on hand.[4] Also, our ancestor is still single. Otherwise he would never have left so much of this money to Pierre Lezeau, boatmaster and well known merchant, simply “for the good friendship that he has for him”. He had been in
D’Iberville and Barthélémy became part of a party of 210 men (including 96 Christian Iroquois who had been persuaded to live in
By this time the temperatures were warm enough that the men waded through knee-deep half- melted snow. Some areas were mud with embedded with chunks of ice. It was slow. It was absolutely painful. Then it turned cold again, the wind picked up and the snow returned. After a long and arduous journey, the French forces reached Corlaer at
The town had two gates, one facing east, used to get to
D’Iberville was to take a detachment (certainly Barthélémy would be with him), go around the town, and stop fugitives from escaping through the other gate. They missed that gate in the dark and hurried back to the main body of men. The attack began when they rejoined their countrymen.
The French and Indians split into two groups. They entered the town and made their way around the inside of the stockade wall. When the leaders met, they gave the signal and the attack began. They vented all their anger on the citizens of the town, and as the Iroquois had done at
There was a man there, by the name of John Sander Glen, who lived just outside the town walls. He had always treated French captives with which he had come into contact compassionately. He had saved the lives of several Frenchmen who had been captured by the nearby Mohawks. D’Iberville had special orders concerning this man, and presented Glen with the news that he and all that was his were to be spared. Furthermore, Glen was permitted to go among the prisoners and name anyone who was a relative. He named so many people that the accompanying French Indians commented that he must have been related to everyone in town.[10]
The French burned down the town and departed. They took 27 men and boys with them, leaving behind 60 old men, women, and children. Only two in the French party had been lost,[11] but fifteen more were killed almost within sight of Montréal by a band of English Mohawks chasing after them.[12]
We have no way of knowing to what degree Barthélémy participated in this grisly business. I would like to think that our ancestor was sickened by the slaughter. It is very interesting to note that, so far as we know, he never fought on land again.
Even so, life went on. Stephen White reports that on
[2] This passage was very difficult for me to translate. Here is the original: “... et en donner toutte quitance Et en charge vallab(le) Et encore (? en cas de refus?) refuser toute poursuitte Et diligemment nécessaires Lequel dit billet a esté pntment (pertinemment?) mis par led(it) Bergeron Es mains dud(it) Lezeau”.
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